|
We gather to mark the 25th anniversary of the Roe v. Wade decision
by the United States Supreme Court, handed down by the justices on January 22,
1973. This decision voided the laws banning or regulating abortion in all fifty
states and made abortion a "free choice" between a woman and her doctor during
the first six months of a pregnancy, a ruling supposedly backed by the
full authority of the U.S. Constitution. Looking back from our present time, we
can see this decision as the first step in inaugurating a Culture of Death in
this country, one where the abortion of over one million unborn babies annually
would soon be joined by assisted suicide, euthanasia, 'partial birth'
infanticide, and other cowardly modern answers to age-old human
problems.
Now,
my training is as an historian. As I thought about the topic, "Twenty Five
Years Into the Culture of Death," I instinctively turned to the records of that
time, to January 1973, in order to answer the historian's basic questions: Why
did this event occur at that specific time? And what forces or developments
shaped this action?
This
foray into the recent past turned out to be a fascinating adventure, for the two
weeks on either side of January 22, 1973 recorded a series of dramatic
events, marking in some ways a sea-change in American politics and social life.
Indeed, some of these other events were of such contemporary importance that the
Supreme Court's abortion decision was relegated to secondary, usually
second-page, treatment.
The
January 14 newspapers, for example, reported on the attack by 80 American B52
bombers on the North Vietnamese port city of Vinh, as the so-called "Christmas
Bombing" of the North--inaugurated by President Richard Nixon three weeks
earlier--continued. The American combat involvement in Indochina, now ten years
old, had reached new levels of violence.
The
next day, January 15, President Nixon announced Phase III of his Wage-and-Price
controls. While Nixon declared his ongoing war-against-inflation to be a
success, Phase III in fact represented Nixon's surrender to negative economic
forces that public authorities could no longer contain. The next day,
January 16, President Nixon dramatically announced a unilateral suspension of
further American attacks on North Vietnam. His statement read: "Because of the
progress made in the negotiations [in Paris] between Dr. Kissinger and special
advisor Le Duc Tho, [I have] directed that the bombing and further mining of
North Vietnam be suspended." Americans, rent by dissent over the war and a
casualty list now counting 350,000 dead and wounded, waited anxiously for new
developments.
Then
on Saturday, January 20, Richard Nixon was inaugurated for his second term
as President of the United States. The event featured the shortest parade in
the annals of modern inaugurals but the largest single band ever assembled in
the history of parades--1,976 marching members, symbolic of the fact that Nixon
would now preside as President over the Bicentennial of the American Revolution
in 1976. Spiro Agnew, meanwhile, took the Vice Presidential oath of office
eight minutes early, in order to assure a proper succession to the Presidency.
War protestors, estimated to number 200,000, gathered at the Lincoln Memorial,
but their voices were muted by the growing euphoria over events in Paris.
The
following Monday, January 22--the very day of the Roe v. Wade
decision--former President Lyndon Johnson died of heart failure at his ranch in
Texas. Commentators noted the irony of the passing of the main architect of
America's deep involvement in Vietnam at the very moment that that war had
reached a climax.
The
next day, Tuesday, January 23, Richard Nixon declared with dramatic flair that
the war in Vietnam was over. "Peace!" the headlines in three-inch letters
declared. A full truce was to begin the following Saturday; American
Prisoners-of-War were to be released within 60 days; and remaining U.S. ground
troops in Vietnam would be withdrawn over the same two month period.
It was
in the context of these stories that Americans received notice of the Roe
v. Wade decision. In relatively short articles found on the bottom of
page 1, or on page 2, newspapers reported on the logic of Justice Harry
Blackmun's opinion: "It was based predominantly on what Blackman called a right
of privacy. He said the right 'is broad enough' to encompass a woman's decision
whether or not to terminate her pregnancy."
But
this 'second tier' treatment of the abortion decision reflects a deeper truth
about study of the past. Good historians know that is most often in the
'second' or 'third' tier of news reports that you find the most significant
events for the future. The big headlines usually chronicle events tied to what
editors think is important about the near past. Some of the small
stories, though, actually prove to be omens, or signs of what is to come.
Indeed, across the United States, hundreds of thousands of Americans will gather
over the next several days to remember in sorrow the Roe v.
Wade decision. But few if any gatherings will remember Nixon's 2nd
inaugural, Johnson's death, the Christmas Bombing, or even the end of the
Vietnam War. Against every prediction of the time, the Abortion Decision of
January 22, 1973, has grown into the most important event of those event-filled
two weeks.
But
more needs to be said: If we peer deeper into the 'back pages' of the papers of
late January 1973, we will find other stories that expose the strange spirit of
that time.
As
example, the January 22 papers note the return of fugitive Timothy Leary to the
United States. This apostle of hallucenigenic drugs--the professor who said LSD
represented "a whole new life"--faced charges in California for marijuana use
and prison escape.
The
same day, news reports described the wedding of anti-war activists Jane Fonda
and Tom Hayden, in a free-form ceremony that included the singing of Vietnamese
Communist songs.
Another report described a popular new course at Michigan State University:
Psychology 201, or Human Sexuality, featuring 'live' sex studies designed, in
the professor's words, to take the "ssshh" out of the word, "sex."
And
finally, buried deep in the papers were early reports on the trial in
Washington, DC, of James W. McCord, and G. Gordon Liddy, on charges of
conspiring to break into the Democratic National Headquarters at the Watergate
complex, Judge John J. Sirica presiding.
Here
in Rockford, the local news had unique qualities of its own. On the happy side,
Rockfordians read eagerly during the week of January 21 about Rockford skater
Janet Lynn's quest for a 5th U.S. Figure Skating Championship. On a less happy
but somehow familiar note, the Rockford school board, on Monday, January 22,
1973, failed to approve a promised report on school desegregation, while 250
parents attended an emotion-charged session on forced busing, held at Lincoln
Middle School.
The
same day, according to THE ROCKFORD MORNING STAR, our city's "medical, legal and
religious leaders applauded the U.S. Supreme Court for its ruling...against laws
prohibiting abortion."
Dr.
Richard M. Ragsdale, chairman of the obstetrics and gynecology section of the
Winnebago County Medical Society, declared: "As an individual I am delighted at
the decision and at the 7-2 vote....The Supreme Court didn't buy it half way."
The
Rev. Frank S. Moyer of the Rockford Clergy Consultation Service also praised the
court decision, since it "now permits each woman to consider her own unique
situation."
Mrs.
Fred H. Ware, a local member of Zero Population Growth, declared this "an
exciting and unexpected ruling."
In
Wednesday, January 24 editorials, Rockford's two papers joined the chorus of
praise. "Women have been granted a significant victory," proclaimed THE
ROCKFORD MORNING STAR, while the afternoon paper, THE REGISTER-REPUBLIC, said
the Supreme Court had "moved boldly" in an "act of liberation." The only
recorded dissent came from a far distance. It was New York Catholic Archbishop
Terrence Cardinal Cooke who asked: "How many millions of children...will never
live to see the light of day because of th[is] shocking action of the majority
of the U.S. Supreme Court?" As of 1998, we now know, the number would approach
40 million.
Elsewhere in the local papers over those days, we find other signs of moral and
social change in our town:
--
Down at the public library, the "Lunch 'n Listen" program focused on Robert
Francoeur's new book, UTOPIAN MOTHERHOOD, and its "unusual ideas on the future
of sex" including surrogate parenthood, sex selection abortion, cloning, and
genetic engineering.
--
Over at a local church, a new course for teenagers on sex featured explicit
films of sexual relations, while the adult course focused on "open marriage,"
where "traditional closed-contract marriage should be replaced by a marriage
bond with no possessiveness."
--
Meanwhile, Rockford Police narcotic specialists worried about the rapid spread
of "Mr. Natural," small squares of paper, imprinted with a bearded robed man,
and laced with LSD. "We picked up one kid that had about fifteen hundred Mr.
Naturals on sheets," a police officer reported. Officials predicted an epidemic
of drug use in the schools.
How,
then, do we make sense out of all this?
The
Roe v. Wade decision came at a time of great, perhaps unprecedented,
moral confusion, political failure, and self doubt in our nation. The America
of 1963--an America of seeming strong families, Judeo-Christian values, and
apparent religious renewal--this America had a decade later become almost a
different place.
Local
columnist Stan Buckles, writing for THE REGISTER-REPUBLIC, touched on this in a
January 26, 1973, column explaining that the Pentagon was preparing a manual on
the United States for POW's returning from North Vietnam, fearing that they
would not recognize their old home, so great had been the moral and social
changes here. Admiral Jeremiah Denton, shot down and captured by the North
Vietnamese in July 1965 and returned to American soil only on February 15, 1973,
would put better into words this sense of disequilibrium, of leaving one kind
of nation and returning to another:
"In the first weeks [after my return], unhappily, I began to note dark corners
in America. I saw the evidences of the new permissiveness, group sex, massage
parlors, x-rated movies, the drug culture, that represented to me an alien
element. I also noted a mood of national political disunity which has damaged
the foundations of the most powerful but compassionate nation on earth....It
quickly became obvious that the basic problem was a deterioration in our
national attitude towards the family and family life."
Indeed, so. Strange ideologies or world views had taken root in an America torn
by an unpopular war and racked by self doubt. This was a time of open war on
human nature, and on human fertility, one directed in particular against women.
Among the first advocates for the so-called "liberation" provided by easy
abortion, let us remember, was PLAYBOY magazine. The "Playboy philosopher"
wanted his women sexually active, unmarried, and definitely childless, and easy abortion was necessary to this vision of male pleasure. Population
controllers, such as Paul Ehrlich, author of THE POPULATION BOMB, ruthlessly
condemned the gift granted to women of bearing new life. Through clever but
deeply flawed arguments, he won a wide audience, particularly in colleges and
universities, and led millions of young women and men to loneliness and a
purposeless sterility. Yes, a war on women, a hostility to families with
children, and a drug culture based on moral nihilism poured across undefended
cultural ramparts in the late 1960's, and almost destroyed our nation.
I say undefended cultural ramparts, for America's churches and synogagues
were--in general--terribly silent during this time of upheaval. Hints of this
moral disarmament have already surfaced in my narrative, but let me be more
specific. By 1973, many of the mainline Protestant churches had become openly
contemptuous of Christian sexual standards. Some--such as the United Methodist
Church, the United Church of Christ, and, my own denomination, the Lutheran
Church in America--had adopted formal statements favoring open access to
abortion, well before the Supreme Court followed in their path. Even
conservative denominations were unsure of where they stood. The Washington
Bureau chief of the Baptist Press, for example, concluded that "religious
liberty, human equality, and justice are advanced" by Roe v. Wade.
Even the Roman Catholic Church found itself rocked by internal disputes in the
early 1970's, limiting the effectiveness of its pro-life witness.
Taken
together, these causes and conditions made possible the Supreme Court's
abortion decision. Distracted by grand and terrible events, internally
weakened by new ideological assaults, and relatively unprotected by religious
leadership, America stumbled.
Here
in Illinois, during the closing days of January, 1973, authorities moved quickly
to bring the Court's abortion decision into effect. On the 24th of the month,
legislators in Springfield introduced a bill to rewrite Illinois' abortion law
in line with Supreme Court guidelines. Here in Rockford, the Winnebago County
Medical Society sought ways to provide abortions on "an economically sound
basis." Dr. Ragsdale urged the founding of a walk-in clinic, noting that in
order to keep the cost of an abortion in the $150-$200 range, "we must have a
certain volume."
So we
entered, nationally and locally, into a Culture of Death. We remember and mourn
those 40 million of our fellow Americans, and those twenty-five thousand of our
ghostly local neighbors, who have vanished under its reign.
But
are matters any different today?
I
believe they are....
To
begin with, the number of annual abortions in America is falling, both
absolutely (where we see a decline of 12 percent since 1992) and relative to
births (where the decline reaches near 25 percent). There is no question that
pro-life witness and public education about the real nature of abortion have
been primary causes of this change. Lives are being saved--a million or more
since 1992 alone--through the daily work of pro-life organizations and persons,
ranging from an effective new generation of advertisements on television to the
one-on-one labors of volunteers in crisis pregnancy centers.
Second, abortion remains a central political issue, one that no candidate or
legislator can ignore. In a political age where public issues come and go, the
pro-life movement has kept the heat on for over two decades, weathering all
betrayals and disappointments.
Third,
we are beginning to win the contest for family renewal. The abortion issue has
always been embedded in broader attacks on and retreat from family living. The
social sciences are producing a wealth of data on the importance of marriage and
child-rearing within marriage that are silencing the enthusiasts for "new family
forms". Discussion turns increasingly on ways to strengthen marriage and
family, manifested concretely in groups like Promise Keepers and Focus on the
Family, and in the thousands of young parents opening their marital unions to
new life.
Finally, and most importanly, the churches are awakening. I believe that the
Holy Spirit is moving in our time toward some great end. Statistics on rising
church attendance and on belief in the power of prayer are crude but real signs
of this. If we but open our eyes and ears, there are portents or signs all
about us that a new Great Awakening is at work in this land, and that the
protection of new life and of the family are near its heart.
At our
first World Congress of Families--held this past March--the witness for life and
family extended across denominational divisions. Catholic, Baptist, Lutheran,
Assembly of God, Evangelical, Orthodox, Mormon, Jew, and Muslim--all the
scattered children of Abraham--put aside their differences for four days and
united in a statement declaring opposition to the Culture of Death, and in
affirmation of family living and the protection of children, born and unborn.
As
always, our task now as Christians is to open our hearts to God, to
submit to His will, and to proclaim the ultimate victory of Life over Death.
This is--after all--the message of the Cross. May it be so.... |