Social Science and Family Policy
 

by Allan Carlson, Ph.D.

Presentation to members of PAN (Partido Accion National), 1 April 2004“CONFERENCIA ‘VIDA Y FAMILIA’”

The close connection of Social Science to modern Family Policy emerged first in Sweden.  In 1932, the young economist Gunnar Myrdal wrote an important article for the Swedish idea-journal, Spektrum.  Entitled "The Dilemma of Social Policy," the article laid out the argument for a radical new form of social engineering.

Over the prior decade, Myrdal said, policy experts armed with the new apparatus of social science research had called for policies that would prevent social problems from emerging, rather than confront these problems after they existed.  This preventative approach to social policy required the radical rebuilding of human institutions.  As Myrdal argued: "When based on human-oriented value premises and a rational social science, preventive social policy leads to the natural union of the correct technical with the politically radical solution."  Myrdal pointed specifically to Sweden's family crisis of the 1930's, seen most vividly in the falling birthrate, as an example of what he called "social lag": where an old institution--the family--had failed to adjust to new social and economic realities.  Here, in particular, social science would lead to the overthrow of the traditional family ways and the creation of a new reality grounded in radical policy solutions.[1]

Gunnar and Alva Myrdal made several major errors in ideas crafting their family and population policies for Sweden during the 1930's: mistakes discussed in some detail in my book, The Swedish Experiment in Family Politics: The Myrdals and the Interwar Population Crisis.  But their biggest error, I believe, was this assumption that social science would show the weakness or failure of traditional institutions and affirm the need for radical policy solutions.  In truth, modern social science actually shows the power, value, and necessity of traditional family arrangements: specifically, it shows traditional marriage to be the giver of health, wealth, and success to adults, and this social science research also shows that children who grow up with their married natural parents are healthier, happier, and more successful in school and in life than children living in any other circumstance.  They are more likely to be good workers and taxpaying citizens; they are less likely to need government aid or support.

Let me be more specific.  New research shows:

  • that children growing up with their married natural parents are the least likely to be sexually, physically, or mentally abused (indeed, one study finds children living in step-parent or single-parent families to be at 40 times greater risk of abuse);[2]

  • that children in married couple homes are the least likely to attempt suicide;[3]

  • that children living with their natural, married parents are far less likely to abuse alcohol or use illegal, mind-altering drugs;[4]

  • that children in married couple homes are the least likely to commit delinquent or criminal acts;[5]

  • that children in married couple, natural parent homes are much more likely to be healthy and happy and to do well in school than children reared in any other setting.[6]

  • And that all measures of child wellbeing show, on balance, negative or damaging turns following divorce.[7]

These social gifts from traditional family structures extend to adults as well.  Here, too, we find that married parents are healthier, in mind and body, than their cohabitating, never-married, or divorced counterparts.[8]  We also find that among divorced adults, physical and mental health also deteriorate, among women and men alike.[9] 

Some of the data that I cited here comes from the United States and Canada; some from European and international surveys.  Allow me, at this point, to provide some specific examples of recent social research regarding Mexico and Mexican-Americans, which underscore my point:

(A)  From The Journal of Family Violence (2002: In the United States, the mothers and children not living in a traditional family are particularly vulnerable to abuse:  52% of the Mexican-American women who had been abused received such treatment from unmarried boyfriends or cohabitators.[10]

(B)  From The American Journal of Sociology (1998): The demand for male labor exerted a negative impact on divorce rates more than the demand for female labor.  “When potential [male] partners are in a good labor market, divorce is less common (or remarriage more common).”  This relationship was more pronounced for African-American and Hispanic women.  In addition, demand for male labor reduced the number of single-mother households.[11]

(C)  From the journal Social Work (1997): Coming from a home without two biological parents present, as well as lower parental attachment, increased the probability of early sexual intercourse for Hispanic boys and girls.[12]

(D)  From the journal Family Relations (1997): Analysis determines that family cohesion and marital status are significant predictors of mental health: married women within close families are less prone to depression.  “This closeness with family members protects against physical and emotional stress in Hispanics by providing a natural support system.”[13]

(E)  From American Sociological Review (1993): “Being in a nonintact family at age 14 significantly increases the risk of a premarital birth” for whites, blacks, and Hispanics.  “The effect is largest for Hispanic women, and smallest for black women.”[14]

(F)  From the journal Pediatrics (1990): Premarital sex was less common among young Hispanic women who attend church regularly than among those who attend church seldom or never.  In fact, “church involvement has been found to be a stronger predictor of conservative attitudes toward premarital sex among Mexican-Americans than among black or white adolescents.”[15]

What do social science studies such as these tell us regarding public policy?  If the state's goals are to aim at household equality, encourage human health, happiness, and success, renew the population through children, give children the best possible start in life, cut government expenditure, increase government income, and prevent abuse, the government should:

  • Encourage the marriage of young men and women and the long-term maintenance of married-couple homes;

  • Affirm the role of fathers as breadwinners;

  • Discourage divorce and the unstable status of cohabitation; and

  • Welcome the presence of traditionally religious people.

These policies are in the state's best interest and they are the logical product of social science investigation. 

How might you, as lawmakers, gain access to this sort of data?  I am able to provide you with two powerful sources:

  • First, I point to the book The Family Portrait: A Compilation of Data, Research and Public Opinion on the Family, recently published by The Family Research Council of Washington, DC (with whom Bill and I work).  This book contains a wealth of research findings showing the positive social gifts of the traditional family, and the great price paid when it is abandoned.  The majority of the data in this source is American, but not all.  In every case, the research finding is backed by a full citation of the source: it's an easily used and effective tool for legislators and journalists.

  • And second, I want to bring your attention to a related resource, available on-line via the worldwide web.  This is the Family and Society Database, developed by The Heritage Foundation of Washington, DC, in cooperation with my own organization, The Howard Center.  This database includes many of the abstracts found on the CD-ROM, plus others.  It can also be searched via key word or subject categories.  It is available, without cost, through our Center’s website: http://www.profam.org (where it is called The Swan Library) or at:  http://www.familydatabase.org.

Both of these sources show the positive social effects of the traditional or natural family, and why such families deserve your encouragement and affirmation by policymakers.

What public policies work to affirm and support families?  Let me tell you of some successful American examples:

(1) First, the joint taxation of married couples, also known as income splitting.  In general, United States tax law still requires that most married couples file a joint tax return, where tax brackets are substantially wider for joint returns than for individual returns.  Between 1948 and 1969, the U.S. had a system of pure income splitting, where income tax brackets were fully twice as wide for married couples as for single persons.  Such policy treats marriage as a true economic partnership (just as any other business partnership) and recognizes and protects spouses who devote themselves to labor in the home, such as childcare.  There is good evidence that this law encouraged both the Marriage Boom of this period and, indirectly, the Baby Boom: where the U.S. Total Fertility Rate nearly doubled.  The weakening of income splitting in the U.S. during the 1960’s coincided with falling marriage and fertility rates. The most recent American tax reform took steps toward restoring full income splitting by reducing the so-called "marriage penalty."

(2) Second, tax exemptions and credits for children.  The effect of European-style child-allowance on encouraging fertility is minimal, at best; some recent European analysts find no positive effects at all.[16]  In contrast, there is evidence that the tax exemption for dependent children found in the U.S. tax code has a "robust" or strong effect on fertility.  When the real value of this exemption has risen, U.S. fertility in marriage rose also; when its real value has fallen, so has fertility.  Analyst Leslie Whittington shows that a 10 percent rise in the exemptions real value generates 8 percent more births.  Whittington explains this by noting that the exemption (now at about $3000 per child) provides about 15 percent of the annual cost of raising a child.[17]  In 1997, the U.S. Congress also created an additional child tax credit: $400 per child then; $1,000 per child in 2004.  Preliminary results suggest that this credit gives strong encouragement to children born in marriage. 

(3) My third example is home schooling.  This development is growing rapidly in the U.S.:  over two million children are now homeschooled, a number growing at about 15 percent a year.  Homeschooling can be called the most important American folk movement of the last 20 years, but the process seems to be little understood outside the U.S.  Most non-American observers worry that the children will be too sheltered or isolated.  In fact, survey after survey show homeschooled students to be--on average--more involved in positive group activities than their counterparts in the state schools.  And the educational results are impressive.  In grades one through four, according to a University of Maryland study, median test scores for homeschooled children are a full grade above those of public and private school students.  By grade eight (or the age of 13), the median scores of homeschoolers are almost four grade levels above those of children in state and private schools. 

The more important traits of homeschooling may be the social and familial.  Over 97 percent of homeschool students have parents who are married, compared to a 72 percent figure nationwide.  Sixty-two percent of homeschooling families have three-or-more children, compared to only 20 percent of the nationwide sample.  A full third (33.5 percent) of homeschooling families actually have four-or-more children, compared to only six percent nationwide.  These are unusually child-rich [barnrika] families.[18]

Are these examples of effective pro-family policies relevant to Mexico in this time?  That is, of course, for you to judge, not for me.  But I suggest that they may be.

More broadly, I urge you to trust social science.  Honest research, honestly reported, reinforces the tremendous social power and positive gifts of the traditional, or natural, family, one built on marriage and an openness to the birth of children.


Endnotes:

[[1]   In two parts: Gunnar Myrdal, "Socialpolitikens dilemma," Spektrum 2 (No. 2, 1932): 1-13; and (No. 3, 1932): 13-31.

[[2]   Laura Ann Mcloskey, et al., "A Comparative Study of Battered Women and Their Children in Italy and the United States," Journal of Family Violence 17 (2002): 53-74; M. Daly and M. Wilson, "Child Abuse and Other Risks of Not Living with Both Parents," Ethology and Sociobiology 6 (1985): 197-209; S.M. Smith, R. Hanson, and S. Noble, "Social Aspects of the Battered Baby Syndrome," in Child Abuse: Commission and Omission, eds. J.V. Cook and P.T. Bowles (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980): 205-225.

[[3]    S. Stack, "The Effect of Domestic/Religious Individualism on Suicide, 1954-1978," Journal of Marriage and Family 45 (May 1985): 431-447; G.F.G. Moens, et al, "Epidemiological Aspects of Suicide Among the Young in Selected European Countries," Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 42 (1988): 279-285; and S. Stack, "The Effects of Suicide in Denmark, 1961-1980," The Sociological Quarterly 31 (1990): 361-368.

[[4]    "The NHSDA Report: Beliefs Among Youth About Risks from Illicit Drug Use," Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, July 13, 2001, www.samhsa.gov/oas/beliefs.cfmj; Chein, D.C. Gerard, R.S. Lee, and E. Rosenfeld, The Road to H: Narcotics, Delinquency and Social Policy (New York: Basic Books, 1964); D.B. Kandel, "Drug and Drinking Behavior Among Youth," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 235-285; and J.S. Brook, M. Whiteman, and A.S. Gordon, "Stages of Drug Use in Adolescence: Personality, Peer, and Family Correlates," Developmental Psychology 19 (1983): 269-288.

[[5]    Mark I. Singer and Daniel J. Flannery, "The Relationship Between Children's Threats of Violence and Violent Behaviors," Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 154 (2000): 785-90; Byron R. Johnson et al., "Does Adolescent Religious Commitment Matter?  A Reexamination of the Effects of Religiosity on Delinquency," Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 38 (2001): 22-40; M.A. Pirog-Good, "Teenage Paternity, Child Support, and Crime," Social Science Quarterly 69 (1988): 527-547; J. Figueira-McDonough, "Residence, Dropping Out, and Delinquency Rates," Deviant Behavior 14 (1993): 109-132; R.A. Knight and R.A. Prentby, "The Developmental Antecedents and Adult Adaptations of Rapist Subtypes," Criminal Justice and Behavior 14 (1987): 403-426; P. Marquis, "Family Disfunction as a Risk Factor in the Development of Antisocial Behavior," Psychological Reports 71 (1992): 468-470; and A.J. Beck and S.A. Kline, "Survey of Youth in Custody, 1987," U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Special Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 1988).

[[6]    Frans van Poppel, "Children in One-Parent Families: Survival as an Indicator of the Role of Parents," Journal of Family History 25 (July 2000): 269-90; Jeffrey T. Cookston, "Parental Supervision and Family Structure: Effects on Adolescent Problem Behaviors," Journal of Divorce & Remarriage 31 (1999): 107-27; J.C. Kleinman and S.S. Kessel, "Racial Differences in Low Birth Weight," New England Journal of Medicine 317 (1987): 749-753; P.A. Davison, "Family Structure and Children's Health and Well-being: Data from the 1988 National Health Interview Survey on Child Health," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Toronto, 1990; and F. Saucier and A. Ambert, "Parental Marital Status and Adolescents' Health-Risk Behavior," Adolescence 18 (1983): 403-411; R.B. Zajonc, "Family Configuration and Intelligence," Science 192 (1976): 227-236; J.W. Santrock, "Relation of Type and Onset of Father Absence to Cognitive Development," Child Development 43 (1972): 457-469; H.B. Biller, Paternal Deprivation: Family, School, Sexuality and Society (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1974); and V. Marjoribanks, "Environment, Social Class, and Mental Abilities," Journal of Educational Psychology 63 (1972): 103-109.

[[7]    See: Paul R. Amato and Danelle D. DeBaer, "The Transmission of Marital Instability Across Generations: Relationship Skills or Commitment to Marriage?," Journal of Marriage and Family 63 (2001): 1038-51; Jane Mauldon, "The Effect of Marital Disruption on Children's Health," Demography 27 (Aug. 1990): 431-46; and Ronald L. Simons, et al., "Explaining the Higher Incidence of Adjustment Problems Among Children of Divorce Compared with Those in Two-Parent Families," Journal of Marriage and the Family 61 (Nov. 1999): 1020-33.

[[8]   Ronald C. Kessler, Guilherme Borges, and Ellen E. Walters, "Prevalence of Risk Factors for Lifetime Suicide Attempts in the National Comorbidity Survey," Archives of General Psychiatry 56 (1999): 617-26; P.M. Prior and B.C. Hayes, "Marital Status and Bed Occupancy in Health and Social Care Facilities in the United Kingdom," Public Health 115 (2001): 401-06; Peggy McDonough, Vivienne Walters, and Lisa Strohschein, "Chronic Stress and the Social Patterning of Women's Health in Canada," Social Science and Medicine 54 (2002): 767-82; H. Yu and N. Goldman, "Mortality Differentials by Marital Status: An International Comparison," Demography 27 (1990): 233-250; E.S. Kisker and N. Goldman, "Perils of Single Life and Benefits of Marriage," Social Biology 34 (1990): 135-152; O. Anson, "Living Arrangements and Women's Health," Social Science and Medicine 26 (1988): 201-208; and A. Rosengren, H. Wedal, and L. Wilhelmsen, "Marital Status and Mortality in Middle-aged Swedish Men," American Journal of Epidemiology 129 (1989): 54-63.

[[9]   Karen A. Matthews and Brooks B. Gump, "Chronic Work Stress and Marital Dissolution Increase Risk of Post trial Mortality in Men from the Multiple Risk Factor Intervention Trial," Archives of Internal Medicine 162 (2002): 309-15; Patricia A. McManus and Thomas A. DiPrete, "Losers and Winners: The Financial Consequences of Separation and Divorce for Men," American Sociological Review 66 (2001): 246-68; and Jack C. Smith, James A. Mercy, and Judith M. Conn, "Marital Status and the Risk of Suicide," American Journal of Public Health 78 (1988): 78-80.

[10]   Laura Ann McCloskey, “A Comparative Study of Battered Women and Their Children in Italy and the United States,” Journal of Family Violence 17 (2002): 53-74.

[11]   David A. Cotter, et.al, “The Demand for Female Labor,” American Journal of Sociology 103 (1998): 1673-1712.

[12]   Carolyn A. Smith, “Factors Associated with Early Sexual Activity Among Urban Adolescents,” Social Work 42 (1997): 334-46.

[13]   Jan Blacher, Steven Lopez, Johanna Shapiro, and Jutith Fusco, “Contributions to Depression in Latina Mothers with and without Children with Retardation: Implications for Caregiving,” Family Relation 46 (1997): 369-78.

[14]   Lawrence L. Wu, and Brian C. Martinson, “Family Structure and the Risk of a Premarital Birth,” American Sociological Review 58 (1993): 210-32.

[15]   Robert H. DuRant, Robert Pendergast, and Carolyn Seymore, “Sexual Behavior Among Hispanic Female Adolescents in the United States,” Pediatrics 85 (1990): 1051-56.

[16]   Dirk J. Van de Kaa, Europe's Second Demographic Transition (Washington, DC: Population Reference Bureau, 1987): 8; and David Coleman, ed., Europe's Population in the 1990's (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990): 16.

[17]   See: Leslie Whittington, "Taxes and the Family: The Impact of the Tax Exemption for Dependents on Marital Fertility," Demography 29 (May 1992): 220-21; and Leslie A. Whittington, James Alm, and H. Elizabeth Peters, "Fertility and the Personal Exemption: Implicit Pronatalist Policy in the United States," The American Economic Review 80 (June 1990): 546.

[18]   Lawrence M. Rudner, "Scholastic Achievement and Demographic Characteristics of Home School Students in 1998," Education Policy Analysis Archives 7 (23 March 1999): 7-12.

 

 

 

 

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