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On August 12, 2010, the United Nations ceremoniously kicked
off its “International Year of Youth.” By “youth” the UN means people from 15 to
24. Altogether they comprise nearly a fifth of the world’s population, with some
87% living in developing countries.
“Youth deserve our full commitment,” declared
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, “full access to education, adequate healthcare,
employment opportunities, financial services and full participation in public
life.”
Noble aims, to be sure. Unfortunately these days, the
best-intentioned UN programs too often become laced with poison. Consider, for
example, the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and its
aftermath.
The Battle over our Children
While no one questions the good motives behind the CRC, yet
somewhere it took a very wrong turn. Its “sweeping and unprecedented creation of
autonomy rights for children,” notes law professor Richard G. Wilkins, “may, in
the long run, threaten children’s well being. (“International
Law, Social Change, and the Family.”)
Or, as Howard Center President Allan C. Carlson explains,
the CRC “contains measures that subvert the authority of parents over their
children; strip away the authority of religious faith and tradition in favor of
a politicized and radical social science; and prevent nations and peoples from
sheltering their own unique cultures.” In contrast, children’s real needs
include the right to a father and a mother united in the bonds of marriage, the
right to religious faith, and the right to mature physically, emotionally, and
morally. (“How
to Make the World Truly Safe for Children.”)
Years after the CRC took effect, the UN sought to reassess
and take a larger step down that same road by holding a Special Session on
Children, or Children’s Summit (originally planned for 2001, but delayed a year
because of 9/11). Preparatory meetings were held to begin negotiations on a new
document. It was during that process that I first set foot in the UN, having
been asked by a pro-family group to try to make a difference in the outcome of
the document. Little did I know what a tall order that was.
At lunch on the first day in the UN cafeteria, a pro-life
lobbyist from the UK sat across from me and extended a cordial welcome. He then
added a somber warning: “If you Americans really knew what was happening within
these walls, you would get out and withdraw your substantial funding for the
UN.” He proceeded to explain that this was a battleground for the greatest war
ever against the family, children, and unborn life, a war waged by those
dedicated to revolutionize society’s social structure.
It didn’t take long to see what he meant. The Children’s
Summit negotiations were incredibly divisive, a clash of two radically different
agendas repeatedly deadlocked over children’s autonomy and their sexuality and
abortion rights. The meetings were scheduled to end at 6:00 pm, but they kept
protracting, first to 9:00, then to 11:00, then to well past midnight, and
finally all night. A delegate came out from a negotiating session shaking his
head and muttering that he had never seen such madness. Another delegate emerged
and told me that she had just been threatened that if she failed to vote the
“right” way, foreign aid to her small country would be cut off. (She
courageously held the line.)
Thanks to the valiant efforts of pro-family delegates and
their supporters who refused to give up on children, much of the proposed
dangerous language was kept out of the
final document, and some powerful pro-family language was included.
Paragraph 37, for example, requires that implementing strategies and actions be
carried out “consistent with
national laws, religious and ethical values and cultural backgrounds of its
people.”
The outcome
proved galling to our opposition. Months later when I was working at a UN
regional conference in Bangkok, I heard the president of IPPF (International
Planned Parenthood Federation) address the conference and rudely berate the US
delegation for what had happened at the Children’s Summit. He vowed to take back
the territory that had been “lost.”
And Now the Youth
IPPF continues its attack. Its brochure
Happy, Healthy and Hot—published just in time for the International Year of
Youth—is a call to the youth of the world to assert their “sexual and
reproductive rights” and to freely explore and experiment with their sexuality.
No limits other than what feels good: “It’s your body. You choose what you do,
when you do it, how and with whom,” says the brochure. It contains graphic
instructions and encourages youth to “talk dirty” to your partner and “act out
your fantasies.”
IPPF is also reportedly one of the forces behind a radical
document produced at the recent World Youth Conference in Mexico. Claiming
to be the voice for 208 representatives from 153 countries, the document
pretends to speak for the youth of the world. It will be presented to the
General Assembly in this International Year of Youth, and will be just what many
in the UN want to hear: “We demand,” declares the document, “sexual and
reproductive health and rights.” The document is further riddled with references
to sexual preferences, sexual orientation, and abortion. Absent from the
document is any mention of abstinence before marriage and fidelity afterwards.
So again the UN becomes a battleground. And again the
stakes are high: our precious youth at this critical juncture of their lives
when moral choices determine their future health, happiness, prosperity, and
family stability. We must rise up and act in a battle not of our own choosing.
It is indeed as Cardinal Alfonso Lopez Trujillo, past President of the
Pontifical Council on the Family, stated:
We are living in a decisive
and very important moment. If we have bad laws concerning the institutions that
are fundamental for the life of society, then we will all suffer and, after us,
the generations to come. The situation that has been created in our world with
regard to marriage and the family calls for all our efforts. |